Prime Minister's action contrasts with Deputy First Minister's

In contrast to the Deputy First Minister who wishes to cherry-pick the Report and who has never found it possible to express any regret for the violence carried out by militant republicanism, the Prime Minister has shown leadership and statesmanship in displaying and re-asserting the integrity and accountability of British justice and democracy which became skewed in Northern Ireland under the pressure of countering insurgents from within the nationalist community.

Indeed those same insurgents in their determination to undermine the majority used their community and its politics as a cloak for their activities.

Whilst maybe to a lesser extent in regard to Bloody Sunday, those who died were, none the less, victims of the tactics which militant republicanism adopted for it was its violence and campaign of civil and economic disruption which, whilst not excusing the deaths on 30th January 1972, provide the context in which the deaths took place.

It is not unreasonable to speculate that without this context being established from the late 1960s onwards, Bloody Sunday might not have occurred in the first place.

It is equally reasonable, to assert again that within the broader unionist community, there remain many victims of the violence of our troubled past who have received no expressions of regret for the death of loved ones and the pain and sorrow which resulted.

There is a line of argument emerging to justify the treatment of the Bloody Sunday Families as being different to other victims because of deaths resulting from the activities of the security forces.

This is small comfort to those whose relatives died as a result of targeted killings on the farms of Co Fermanagh or who died whilst gathering at a War Memorial to commemorate the fallen of wars.

In any case, is it not their analysis that republicans, when engaged in violence, did not recognise Northern Ireland, whose name they cannot even use, and in denying partition and supporting the re-assertion of Irish Unity claimed their mandate from their ideology.

In carrying out acts of violence they were then killing and maiming those who, by their own definition, were their citizens.

Those who speak for republicanism and who would seek to exploit the findings of the Saville Report, would do well to avoid, not just cherry-picking, but lectures on morality and justice.

They would serve justice better by revealing for example who was involved in the Claudy bombing.

Due to his position at the time the Deputy First Minister must have the inside track. He has been quick to express his support for the families involved in the Saville Inquiry. What's the difference in the suffering of the Claudy families?

They deserve the same consideration and the Deputy First Minister must have the answers.

A positive response will afford the community opportunity to work towards repairing the wounds and scars of the past.

Regrettably the response thus far allied to a partisan approach to the politics of the Assembly at Stormont by the Deputy First Minister gives rise to little cause for optimism.

On this occasion Unionism would be happy to be proved wrong.